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RWANDA'S SECRET WAR
U.S-Backed Destabilization of Central Africa


Special Report from Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)
by keith harmon snow

(A slightly edited version of this story appeared in Z Magazine in February, 2005; it was previously published by World War 3 Report in November 2004.)

KINSHASA"”December 30 2004 -- Following days of repeated threats by President Paul Kagame to send Rwandan Defense Forces to attack Hutu rebels based in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), television stations in Kinshasa, DRC's capital, began broadcasting alerts Nov. 26 that Rwanda's invasion was underway.

Belgian and US military sources in Kinshasa said that at least five battalions (1,500-3,000 troops) had penetrated the provinces of North and South Kivu from five different points.

"This is a sizeable advance force for the Rwandan army," said one military source in Kinshasa.

With Rwanda's government continuing to deny their invasion, some 6,000 Rwandan troops had reportedly penetrated eastern DRC by December 4, making this tiny Rwanda's third major invasion of its huge neighbor to the west.

According to the DRC government, troops of the Armed Forces for the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) had clashed with the RDF at numerous locations by early December. The Monitor newspaper in Uganda Dec. 6 reported that RDF troops passing illegally through Ugandan frontier areas had clashed with Ugandan soldiers. The Monitor reported thousands of Congolese refugees fleeing into Uganda.

Thousands of Congolese civilians, especially women and children, were fleeing North Kivu province as of Dec. 6, according to IRIN, news network of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, with civilians claiming executions and massacres as RDF troops burned and looted everything in their path. NGO staff in the region are bracing for the flood of tens of thousands of internally displaced persons.

Rwandan guerrilla groups based in DRC echoed the claims. "According to our sources five Rwandan battalions are already in the DRC ready to create chaos," reported Jean-Marie Higiro, former leader of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). "Kagame's regime maintains its sponsorship to rebel DRC forces. Under all kinds of tricks, Kagame's regime is able to continue to pull the strings in the DRC."

He also rejected claims that the Rwandan military is acting in self-defense from DRC based guerrillas. "Rwanda and its proxy armies in DRC maintain an absolute cordon sanitaire at the Rwandan-Congolese border," Higiro says. "How can Hutu rebels break through this cordon sanitaire and strike Rwanda, then retreat into the DRC without being intercepted?"

Higiro reports that powerful interests in Washington had as early as 1989 delineated the now-apparent Tutsi strategy of annexation of eastern DRC and that there is a very powerful Tutsi lobby in Washington DC.

Rwanda's latest bid to annex DRC's Kivu provinces was called the "Third War of Occupation of Eastern Congo" by Congolese students who took to the streets of Kisangani in protest on Dec. 4.

Despite Rwanda's official denials of aggression, Rwandan leaders had issued unambiguous warnings in recent days. "You have to make war to have peace," Rwanda's President Paul Kagame told United Nations Observer's Mission. In Congo (MONUC) peacekeeping forces on Nov. 23. "We are preparing to return our forces to the DRC," Rwanda's Regional Cooperation Minister Protais Mitali said on the 25th, according to Reuters. "We cannot watch as these extremist forces advance onto our territory.

Reuters correspondent David Lewis in Kinshasa reported Nov. 26 that the Congolese army has told the United Nations that its soldiers had clashed with Rwandan troops inside Congo. UN peacekeepers found no signs of any fighting, according to Lewis' U.N. sources. Lewis also reported that clashes had taken place earlier in the week.

In Kinshasa, long-time Mobutu opposition party leader Etienne Tshisekedi from the Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS) issued a communiqué Nov. 26 warning that if Rwanda has again invaded DRC then the Congolese people must demonstrate against MONUC.

May and June 2004 saw major demonstrations across DRC where MONUC vehicles and homes rented by MONUC personnel were destroyed in protest of MONUC's perceived failure to defend the city of Goma from the invading forces of pro-Rwandan rebel groups in Congo. There are no US military on the ground with the MONUC force in DRC.

Rwandan and Ugandan guerrilla groups continue to maintain a destabilizing presence in eastern DRC, including the ex-Force Armee Rwandais (ex-FAR, the former Rwandan army), Interahamwe (the militia largely responsible for the1994 genocide), Allied Democratic Forces for Uganda (ADF), and the People's Redemption Army (PRA). The DRC government and international community have failed to implement the disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) process called for by international peace accords.

Rwanda has repeatedly threatened to invade DRC to attack Hutu rebels accused of genocide"”Interahamwe and ex-FAR. The "genocidiares" fled Rwanda in 1994 and established themselves in Hutu refugee camps in eastern Zaire (as DRC was then known), with the help of the French intervention force Operation Tourquoise and support from Zaire's 32-year dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. Rwanda also claimed that it must defend the Banyamulenge"”Congolese Tutsis"”from ongoing genocide.

MONUC entered DRC in 1999 after peace agreements signed in Lusaka, Zambia. Subsequent peace accords in Sun City, South Africa, and negotiations with rebels and militias in eastern DRC, ushered in a peace process under a transitional power-sharing government, implementing a joint UN/DRC program of "DDR," and the promise of elections in 2005.

The DDR program has largely been an empty promise. The DRC was formally cited at the UN Security Council on Nov. 23 for its lack of cooperation in the arrest of people accused of taking part in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.

In a UN press statement, the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Hassan Bubacar Jallow from Gambia, told the Security Council that 14 indicted people were still at large and "the bulk of the fugitives continued to be based in the Democratic Republic of Congo."

The press release stated that the US ambassador to the UN John Danforth called upon the DRC and Kenya to arrest fugitives accused inciting conflicts in the Great Lakes region on the border of DRC and Rwanda.

Impunity for government soldiers and guerrillas alike remains endemic in the eastern DRC provinces of Orientale, Equateur and the Kivus. According to a recent alert by Survivor's Rights International, reports from isolated areas across the country indicate that populations continue to suffer wholesale extortion, racketeering, theft, rape and other violence.
Rights groups accused all sides of exploiting ethnic conflict in the region, including Rwanda's government. "Relations between the Banyamulenge and other Congolese groups have been strained and are frequently manipulated by politicians in both Rwanda and the DRC," wrote Human Rights Watch in a June 2004 report, War Crimes in Bukavu. "The past six years of war have contributed to hostility against them as they are increasingly identified as ˜Rwandan' by other Congolese. Rwanda has often justified its presence in DRC in part as an effort to protect the Banyamulenge people, though this was challenged in 2002 when they attacked the Banyamulenge homelands killing scores of Banyamulenge civilians, shooting some of them from Rwandan helicopters."

In a bold article that caught major international press on December 4, BBC journalist Robert Walker, who overflew the North Kivu region in a MONUC helicopter, reported that "President Kabila is getting away with a crime" because the DRC government was fabricating reports of war and Rwandan involvement in eastern DRC.

However, by December 20, 2004, UNICEF was reporting "millions displaced by recent fighting."

Central Africa's Ongoing Genocide

Paul Kagame's Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) invaded Rwanda from Uganda in 1990, launching a four-year campaign of guerrilla warfare. Open support for Rwanda's then-Hutu-led government from French paratroopers failed to prevent the RPA victory of August 1994, following the coordinated genocide of hundreds of thousands of Rwandan Tutsis by hard-line Hutus, Force Armee Rwandaise (FAR) and affiliated Interahamwe (Hutu) militias from April to July.

Critics such as Wayne Madsen, author of Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa 1993-1999, assert that Kagame and the RPA orchestrated the April 6, 1994 assassination of the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi – shooting down their plane on approach to Kigali airport with SAM-7 surface-to-air missiles taken from Iraq by France in 1991, then delivered by the US military to Uganda, the base for RPA guerrilla operations against Rwanda prior to 1994.

Evidence was provided at a special hearing held by then Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney at DC's Rayburn House Office Building on April 6, 2001, the seventh anniversary of the assassinations. Journalist Charles Onana of Cameroon, author of The Secrets of the Rwandan Genocide, also aired claims of RPA involvement in the incident, and was sued for defamation by Paul Kagame. A Paris court found in favor of Onana. Defense attorneys working at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda (ICTR) maintain that the standard figure of 800,000 Tutsis killed in the 1994 genocide is grossly inflated. At least three major films continue to circulate in the US, all furthering the pro-RPA and pro-Tutsi perspective of the Hutu genocide.

Paul Kagame, who was trained by the US military at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, has been a regular visitor at Harvard University, at the James Baker III Institute in Houston Texas, at the White House and the Pentagon. US, European and South African military interests have continued to support various factions in Central Africa, arming militias and rebel groups through proxy armies from Uganda (UPDF), Rwanda (RPA), Burundi and the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) in south Sudan. France's presence in Central Africa is based out of Gabon, the major point of French military penetration on the continent.

Terror continued in Rwanda under the new RPA government of Paul Kagame, with Amnesty International documenting a pattern of assassinations, arbitrary imprisonment and "disappearances." Nearly all political opponents"”Tutsi or Hutu"”have been labeled "genocidiares", and Amnesty has protested that some trials and executions of accused genocidiare collaborators have been tainted and politically motivated.

The first Rwandan invasion of its huge neighbor to the west occurred in 1996. According to the influential Africa Confidential newsletter, Major Gen. Paul Kagame visited the Pentagon in August of 1996, conferring with Washington prior to launching a grand plan to unseat Mobutu Sese Seko. While the US public was consumed with the 1996 presidential elections, Rwanda was preparing its war against Zaire"”and it began with the shelling of Hutu refugee camps in eastern Congo with Katusha missiles, killing non-combatant men, women and children.
RPA joined with Ugandan People's Defense Forces (UPDF) and the guerrilla army of Laurent Kabila's Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (ADFL) in the "War of Liberation" that subsequently ended the decades long reign of President Mobutu Sese Seko in Congo (Zaire). Sources in DRC quickly add that American military personnel were seen on the ground advising the joint UPDF/RPA invasion which swiftly moved across the vast forested territory of Zaire.

Mobutu's generals were reportedly contacted in advance by high-level US officials in the region; most of those who agreed to support the US invasion when it came remain in high posts in DRC today; other of Mobutu's highest military were sacrificed one way or another.

Wayne Madsen reported that the US established major communications and listening stations in Uganda's Ruwenzori Mountains. Witnesses interviewed in Kampala, Uganda's capital, support this claim. Communications equipment was also seen on Idjwe Island in Lake Kivu, on the DRC-Rwanda frontier.

Recent interviews with survivors across the country document crimes against humanity and acts of genocide committed against Congolese civilians by all sides in the ensuing war.

"In May 1997, hundreds of unarmed Hutu refugees were massacred in the town of Mbandaka by soldiers of Kabila's Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (ADFL), operating under apparent Rwandan Army (RPA) command," wrote Human Rights Watch in June 1998. In an October 1997 report ("What Kabila is Hiding: Civilian Killings and Impunity in Congo"),

Human Rights Watch concluded "Rwandan troops had a role in some of the killings of Rwandan Hutu refugees on Zairean territory." Thousands of Hutu refugees were slaughtered in Mbandaka in May 1997, on the day that the Allied Forces for the Democratic Liberation of Congo (AFDL) arrived there. One eyewitness told this reporter: "We ran down to the beach [port] because we heard the shooting. I saw two people shot but there were bodies all lined up on the beach. The soldiers were also throwing dead bodies in the [Congo] river. There were a lot of Tutsi soldiers but we couldn't distinguish. I saw soldiers question one woman. The woman was not able to talk in [Congolese] Lingala. He said, yes you are among the Rwandais Hutus. He said to the woman, ˜Turn, face the river, prey your God, because you are about to meet your God.' Then he shot her in the back with an automatic weapon."

"US Special Forces were involved," asserted one DRC army captain interviewed recently in Kinshasa. The AFDL forces included UPDF, RPA and US military advisers, he claimed.

Colonel James Kabarebe, now Chief of Staff of the Rwanda Defense Forces, is said to have led the campaign to annihilate fleeing Hutu refugees. Kabarebe has been sited in UN reports for massive violations in Ituri. "Kabarebe was reportedly the biggest advocate of Rwandan support to [ethnic] militias," wrote UN investigators in MONUC's Special Report on Events in Ituri, January 2002-December 2003. Rwanda armed, trained, and advised militias in Ituri, as it has in North and South Kivu provinces, the report found. The Ugandan military was similarly cited for atrocities.

The RPA joined with the UPDF to invade DRC again in 1998 after ADFL leader Laurent Kabila rejected U.S. and Bechtel Corporation plans for the newly liberated country, annulled mining contracts signed with some powerful western companies before he had even taken power in Kinshasa"”including America Mineral Fields (AMF), based in Hope, AK, and said to be linked to then-President Clinton through "Friend of Bill" investors"”and ejected the Rwandan and Ugandan military allies that brought him to power.

The Congolese people call it the "War of Aggression," but it was dubbed "Africa's First World War" by the western press, as it involved six regional nations as well as arms and advisers from western countries. Troops from Rwanda and Uganda (now backing anti-Kabila rebels) as well as Zimbabwe (allied with the DRC government) worked with commercial agents pilfering DRC's ivory, diamonds, gold, timber, cobalt and other natural resources.

Foreign agents moved these plundered resources onto the international market, as militia groups raked in local profits. At least 3.5 million people died due to warfare in DRC, according to the International Rescue Committee (IRC) report on the region for the period from 1998 to 2001. From 1999-2001, through networks of Rwandan military and commercial agents, Rwandan interests aligned with the state earned at least $240 million in the sale of coltan (columbo-tantalite) -- a precious ore essential to Sony play-stations, laptop computers and cell-phones. In December 2000 alone, the main RPA-supported rebel group in DRC earned some $600,000 in coltan sales. Coltan moved through criminal syndicates to American, Swiss, Belgian and German clients. Rwandan syndicates continue to dominate the coltan trade out of eastern DRC, local sources claim.

Friends of the Earth and the UK-based group Rights and Accountability in Development (RAID) filed a formal complaint with the US State Department on August 4, 2004 against three US companies accused by the UN Panel of Experts of fuelling war in DRC. The UN panel's three-year investigation implicated Cabot Corporation (Boston), Eagle Wings Resources International and George Forrest's OM Group (Ohio) in collaboration with various rebel groups trafficking in coltan from DRC. Current deputy director of the US Treasury Department, Samuel Bodman, was CEO and chairman of Cabot from 1997-2001.

It is important to note that the conflict in Central Africa revolves not around "governments" so much as militarized power blocks and multinational corporate alignments which are transnational. Thus while powerful US government interests may back the Kagame and Museveni regimes in support of destabilization of Central Africa and the annexation of the Kivu and Orientale provinces, other powerful interests"”such as the International Rescue Committee (IRC) -- maintain a constant international media presence which appears to be in conflict with that agenda but which nevertheless exists as a major lobby in support of or defense of certain interests at the expense of certain others. Notable personalities on the IRC's Boards of Directors and Overseers include Morton Abramowitz, Tom Brokaw and Henry A. Kissinger.

An Unraveling Peace Process

The DRC frontier with Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi has remained the locus of instability and guerrilla warfare since at least 1994 -- long before the first Rwandan invasion of Congo in 1996 -- and the rising insecurity and terrorism has all but annihilated the local civilian populations. North and South Kivu provinces continue to suffer from widespread violence, and killings in the Goma and Bukavu areas are rampant.
The Ituri region of Orientale Province, bordering on Uganda, Sudan and Central African Republic, is cited as one of the bloodiest corners of the world by numerous human rights agencies.

The UN Security Council's Special Report on Ituri, January 2002-December 2003, outlines the history of conflict in Ituri, the role of Ugandan and Rwandan government forces in arming factions, bombing villages, massacring and torturing civilians, and provoking and, at times, abetting, acts of genocide. Given the rising insecurity in Ituri in recent months, with assassinations and nightly shootings, the population in Bunia increasingly sees MONUC as a hostile and aggressive force of foreign military occupation.

Said one Bunia resident formerly employed by MONUC: "Public opinion is that MONUC has done nothing. People thought that MONUC came here to bring peace but to their surprise people find that MONUC is like a spectator in a football match. But people are dying in their presence. People are being terrorized in their presence. People are being killed in there presence. And MONUC is doing nothing."

"Firing incidents occur daily," admitted one public information officer for MONUC. "I don't think there is any area except maybe in Bunia [town] where the human rights situation is improving."

Reports of MONUC personnel buying and transporting contraband goods"”leopard and okapi skins, gold, ivory"”are also widespread; one western photojournalist witnessed Belgian troops openly purchasing ivory; troops are immune to customs search and seizure.

Arms continue to flow into the region. Uganda's government newspaper the New
Vision Nov. 23 reported that arms shipments reportedly destined for the Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC), a regional militia aligned with Rwanda, were seized by the Armed Forces of the Congolese People (FAPC), a rival Congolese militia in control of the lucrative Ituri Province customs posts in northeastern DRC. The story was picked up by a Chinese news service only.

"According to local sources, local government officials have delivered firearms to civilians in Masisi, North Kivu, long the site of conflict between different political and military groups," wrote Human Rights Watch on November 19. "Other shipments have been delivered to Ituri, another persistently troubled area in northeastern Congo. U.N. sources reported that some 300 Congolese high school students, refugees in neighboring Rwanda, abruptly left their schools and are said to be undergoing military training."

According to recent reports from northern Ituri, the FAPC has reportedly executed child soldiers seeking to enter the DDR process, and attacked the families and looted the homes of reintegrated ex-child soldiers.

"All armed groups in Ituri have integrated children into their ranks," wrote MONUC investigators in Special Report on Events in Ituri, January 2002-December 2003. MONUC conservatively estimated "at least 40 percent of each militia force are children below the age of 18, with a significant minority below the age of 15."

The MONUC investigation found that Ugandan and Rwandan military were frequently training children abducted and forcibly or willingly recruited into DRC militias. MONUC documented cases where hundreds of children were taken by road or plane to Uganda or Rwanda for military training. Child soldiers were sometimes "trained" by child soldiers. Some children have been passed from one group to another.

The UPC and the Front for National Integration (FNI), another militia, continue to extort a weekly war tax from citizens, persecute those who refuse to comply, and terrorize the citizenry. "The UPC is collecting money. They say, ˜either you pay 100 francs Congolese or we come at night.' Then when they come they cut off your hand or violate women."

"Sexual violence is a national epidemic in DR Congo," wrote Survivors Rights International (SRI) in a December 5 2004 alert, "involving all military factions, both current and past military forces involved in the internal affairs of the DRC, and it appears to be sanctioned by all levels of military command. SRI research completed in Equateur and Orientale (Ituri) from September to November 2004 indicates that the scale and frequency of sexual violence committed during the successive wars (1996-2004) is unprecedented and unquantifiable."

SRI also reported that the presence of hundreds of internally displaced girls and women currently resident in Mbandaka has spawned commerce in prostitution and survival sex involving both Armed Forces of Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) and MONUC troops. "FARDC further prey on female sex workers by forcing sexual relations, raping those who refuse, and universally robbing desperate females of their livelihood," SRI wrote. "FARDC soldiers in rural areas and population centers continue to steal and abduct the wives of civilians, and to abduct women and adolescent girls many of whom are impregnated and abandoned."

SRI called on the UN, MONUC and the international community to define and implement a new strategy for dealing with widespread and ongoing sexual violence, noting "that the societal effects will be long-lasting, and that accountability for sexual violence could be easily countered given greater international attention to gender violence in the DRC and a campaign to end impunity and bring the perpetrators to justice. The MONUC communications infrastructure installed nationwide in DRC (Radio Okapi) provides an excellent and functioning tool for raising the awareness of sexual violence and the growing campaign to hold perpetrators to account through the International Criminal Court."

On November 28, 2004, a group of seven young women arrived in Mbandaka -- after trekking hundreds of miles from Equateur's easternmost city of Lisala reporting that they were raped in the past week by government soldiers (FARDC). Other girls are also being raped, the seven survivors said.

AllAfrica.com, the preeminent on-line Africa news service based out of Washington, DC, refused to publish the SRI alert on DRC; Allafrica.com has become increasingly selective, excluding major reportage in the region that does not fit with the interests of the predominant powers.

Forgotten Resource Wars

Rwanda and Uganda continue to benefit from high-level military arrangements with the United States. Entebbe, Uganda, is a forward base for US Air Force operations in Central Africa. According to the Global Policy watchdog, there are eleven US servicemen permanently stationed in Entebbe. Sources on the ground in Uganda and DRC confer that weapons move freely through Entebbe airport from US interests.

The BBC reported March 23, 2004 that US General Charles Wald confirmed that the US is directly involved in the fight against the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda. "I have met with [Uganda's] President Museveni,' the BBC reported, "I have heard personally that he is very pleased with the support we are giving him... Its not just moral support... But many things need to be kept a bit more private."

In July 2004, members of the DRC military flew to Tampa, Florida to participate in an unfolding US ˜anti-terrorism' military program called "Golden Spear."

The Canadian mining firms Barrick Gold and Heritage Oil & Gas arrived with Ugandan (UPDF) and Rwandan (RPA) military during the "War of Aggression" to exploit mining opportunities in the north. Barrick principals include former Canadian premier Brian Mulroney and former US president George H.W. Bush. Heritage has secured contracts for the vast oil reserves of Semliki basin, beneath Lake Albert, on both the Congolese and Ugandan sides of the border. Heritage is reportedly tapping the Semliki petroleum reserves from the Ugandan side, where a huge pipeline to Mombasa, Kenya, worth billions of dollars, is now in the works.

According to a petroleum futures report (Africafront), Heritage Oil was poised to exploit the northern Lake Albert basin, southern Lake Albert basin, River Semliki basin, and Lake George and Lake Albert basin areas in partnership with the Zhongyuan Petroleum Exploration Bureau (ZPEB) of China. Heritage is currently exploiting petroleum in neighboring war-torn Congo-Brazzaville in partnership with ZPEB. Notably, ZPEB is the petroleum firm currently operating behind the genocide of indigenous Anuak people in southwestern Ethiopia (See the December 12, 2004 report by Genocide Watch: OPERATION SUNNY MOUNTAIN?). Ashanti Goldfields has reportedly secured a contract for the vast gold reserves at Mongwalu, north of Bunia. Ashanti has ties to South Africa and the British Crown and some sources in Bunia report that the Ashanti interest in nearby Mongwalu is guarded by Nepalese Gurkhas, possibly of the Gurkha Security Group based in Britain.

The Clintonite multinational America Mineral Fields in May 2004 changed its name to Adastra Minerals, and the corporation has multi-billion dollar copper and cobalt mining projects underway, in partnership with the Kabila government, in Katanga province. Elsewhere in DRC, major foreign mining and logging contracts are underway.
The death toll in Congo's war has easily exceeded 6 million people.

http://allthingspass.com/journalism.php?jid=119
Egungun, Egungun ni t'aiye ati jo! Ancestos, Ancestors come to earth and dance! "I'm sick of the war and the civilization that created it. Let's look to our dreams, and the magical; to the creations of the so-called primitive peoples for new inspirations." - Jaques Vache and Andre Breton "Capitalism is the astounding belief that the most wickedest of men will do the most wickedest of things for the greatest good of everyone." -John Maynard "You know that in our country there were even matriarchal societies where women were the most important element. On the Bijagos islands they had queens. They were not queens because they were the daughters of kings. They had queens succeeding queens. The religious leaders were women too..." -- Amilcar Cabral, Return to the Source, 1973
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"A powerful Tutsi lobby in Washington" ?!?!?

So we have the NRA, Big Tobacco, the Christian Coalition, and the Tutsi tribe. I suppose they've got the neoconservatives in the House & Senate in their back pockets...

At the moment, I have my doubts as to the truthfulness of a lot of this article's contents.

On another point, this war demonstrates that even African people view black life as cheap. I try to follow this situation (it's not easy), and one thing I dont't get is Kagame's apparent willingness to discuss peace options that don't actually involve the handing over of the Interahamwe so they can face justice for 1994. The guy is a Tutsi himself, and I would think that a Tutsi would agree to nothing that didn't involve the return of all Interahamwe in the DRC so they can be dealt with. It's all about greed and personal power. On all sides. This is why no matter what the West does (good or bad), these regions will have a hard time ever amounting to much. Even the vilest acts against ones people mean nothing compared to your own possibility of personal material gain.
I would LIKE to agree with you, but unless a whole new thought process emerges among those who would lead there, I just don't know where I can derive a basis for a more hopeful belief.

I mean, here is a country (Rwanda) that saw some of the worst violence of my lifetime up to that point. The people against whom the violence was mainly perpetrated took back power... and do what with it? Initiate Africa's version of WWI. And not to seek justice, but to promote personal gain through the ongoing destruction of even more people. The idea that you wouldn't even insist on capturing your own attackers (the Interahamwe) is telling.

African leaders have got to embrace the position that black life is not cheap. Until that happens, the problem areas in Africa will continue to be lost causes. I appreciate your perspective, Oshun, and I hope history proves you right and me wrong.
quote:
Originally posted by Vox:
I would LIKE to agree with you, but unless a whole new thought process emerges among those who would lead there, I just don't know where I can derive a basis for a more hopeful belief.

African leaders have got to embrace the position that black life is not cheap. Until that happens, the problem areas in Africa will continue to be lost causes. I appreciate your perspective, Oshun, and I hope history proves you right and me wrong.


This is where we are thinking differently...You are waiting on the "leaders" to become benevolent...not going to happen.

The history of this country alone should teach that lesson. Actually, history in general should teach us this. If African/Black people in the U.S. never organized and fought for our rights would the "leaders" of the U.S. ever become benevolent and change their actions/policies towards African/Black people?...I think not. It's arguable that they NEVER actually changed their mind... but they had to change the way they acted. Not because they thought "Black life was more valuable" but because an organized and mobilized people cannot be played with...the French revolution also tells of this...as does any other mass movement in history.

The masses of the people will decide what the leaders will and won't do. The leaders won't change their minds until the masses get organized behiond a commen ideology and goal.

The Elite didn't "want to" desegregate...they had to. My faith is in the people...not in any leaders...African or otherwise.

The leaders are always running behind the people trying to catch up and run infront to proclaim they came up with the ideas... The movement of the masses dictates the outcome. If the masses don't move then the leaders won't.

Or do you expect folks like Bush to have a change of heart? If the Amerikkkan people don't force him too then same thing applies...

Or maybe the South African people should have waited for the people running the Apartheid regime to value Black life?
sck
Well, I still haven't gotten through this whole thing, but so far, I have no problem believing every bit of this story!! Every last piece of dirt!

But I think you two are kinda saying the same thing. Yes, Vox, most of the African leaders need to have a change of heart ... or be changed altogether, because those that aren't in bed with the West are (usually brutal) dictators, and either way, the people don't have a chance.

And yes, OA, it is the people that need to, and will have to, make such a change in their leadership in order for there to be any forward progress.

Smile



::: Butting back out now! :::
I guess my issue is that the people have been through so much indignation already. Between colonial horros, Subsequent genocide attempts and other forms of barbarity committed against them, it really mystifies me to think that the people have yet to reach the point where they decide that enough is enough. If it hasn't happened yet, after all of this, then I can't help but doubt that "the people" will ever rise up and say enough is enough. Outside of Africa, people have made change over a lot less.
quote:
Originally posted by Vox:
I guess my issue is that the people have been through so much indignation already. Between colonial horros, Subsequent genocide attempts and other forms of barbarity committed against them, it really mystifies me to think that the people have yet to reach the point where they decide that enough is enough. If it hasn't happened yet, after all of this, then I can't help but doubt that "the people" will ever rise up and say enough is enough. Outside of Africa, people have made change over a lot less.


Historically speaking overt colonialism in Africa was actually a short period of time...less than 200 years. I think you may be speaking from a sense of pain and anguish watching your people suffer than actual historical fact. The history of imperialist China and Europe's fratracidal wars don't support your particular lack of faith in the African people's ability to rise up.
You know, Vox ...

I believe it is fear that keeps them where they are right now. They already have so little to lose. Who they are having to fight is a government that is subsidized by governments like ours to own guns and weapons with which to keep these people oppressed, and to try to rise up and fight a fight that you have no chance in hell of winning can be a bit scary I would think!! Eek

So that is what keeps them down, but I have the feeling that what will lift them up is that somebody, somewhere ... some group, commission, other country, world body organization ... is going to care about what happens to them and through education, they will learn how to stand up and call for what is right and get it. The people of Africa are not weak. And are definitely resilient. They will get the chance to stand up and be counted. Smile

However ... I also think that that "overt colonialism" that you speak of, OA, is actually still going on, because those Europeans not only left them with their corrupt and deranged ways of governance and war (only now between themselves) but with the neo-colonialism ways of explotation and the theft of resources currently being practiced there, they may not still be there in body, but they definitely permeate in mind and spirit.

The people of Africa are still burdened with the chains of colonialism.

::: Gonna butt out one more time! ::: Smile
quote:
Originally posted by EbonyRose:So that is what keeps them down, but I have the feeling that what will lift them up is that [b]somebody, somewhere ... some group, commission, other country, world body organization ... is going to care about what happens to them and through education, they will learn how to stand up and call for what is right and get it[b/]. The people of Africa are not weak. And are definitely resilient. They will get the chance to stand up and be counted.


Change is internal...not that coalitions and solidarity with other liberation movements would hurt. But ultimately it is up to the masses of the indigenous people of any landmass to orgnaize. Otherwise any outside force could become the new oppressors.

quote:
However ... I also think that that "overt colonialism" that you speak of, OA, is actually still going on, because those Europeans not only left them with their corrupt and deranged ways of governance and war (only now between themselves) but with the neo-colonialism ways of explotation and the theft of resources currently being practiced there, they may not still be there in body, but they definitely permeate in mind and spirit.

The people of Africa are still burdened with the chains of colonialism.

::: Gonna butt out one more time! ::: Smile


Well, that's the difference between neo-colonialism and colonialisn... It used to be direct political and physical dominance. Now t here is economic and cultural dominance remaining. I guess "overt/covert" is a bad usage on my part. Neocolonialism and colonialism are quite overt in their own respects...but it's surprising how many people think neocolonialism is covert because the physical pressence of European domination is lacking.

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